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Cashing In On Crime II - The Prison Industrial
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by Randall Shelden; April 22, 2004
Private interests and the entire criminal justice
industrial complex (police, the courts and the prison system)
have a vested interest in keeping crime at a certain level. They
need victims, they need criminals, even if they have to invent
them, as they have throughout the "war on drugs" and
"war on gangs" or "recycle" them via the modern
system of parole. As already noted in Part I of this series, corporate
interests are heavily involved in the continued existence of prisons.
Quite often there is a close link between corporate and political
interests, as the following section makes clear.
Corporate Interests: the Role of ALEC
A little know fact about the prison industrial
complex is an organization known as the American Legislative Exchange
Council (ALEC). The mere existence of this organization demonstrates
the classic connections between politics, economics and the criminal
justice system. The membership consists of state legislators,
private corporations and criminal justice officials. More than
one-third of the state lawmakers in the country (2400) belong
and they are, not surprisingly, mostly Republicans and conservative
Democrats. Their mission is, ironically, to promote "free
markets," along with small governments, "states
rights" and, of course, privatization. Corporate membership
dues range from $5,000 to $50,000 annually. Corrections Corporation
of America is a member of this group, which is not surprising.
However, members also include a veritable "whos who"
of the Fortune 500, such as Ameritech, AT&T, Bayer, Bell Atlantic,
Bell South, DuPont, GlaxcoSmithKline, Merck & Co., Sprint,
Pfizer, to name just a few.
Within ALEC there is a "Criminal Justice
Task Force." Among the duties of this group is to write "model
bills" on crime and punishment. Among such "model bills"
they helped draft include "mandatory minimum sentences,"
"Three Strikes" laws, and "truth in sentencing."
All of these bills, or variations, have been passed in most states
and have contributed heavily to prison growth. Tommy Thompson,
former Wisconsin Governor and current head of Health and Human
Services in the Bush Administration, was once a member of ALEC.
He was recently quoted as saying that "I always loved going
to these meetings because I always found new ideas. Then Id
take them back to Wisconsin, disguise them a little bit, and declare
that Its mine." Edwin Bender of the National
Institute on Money in State Politics, and a critic of ALEC, says
that: "Bayer Corporation or Bell South or GTE or Merck pharmaceutical
company sitting at a table with elected representatives, actually
hammering out a piece of legislation behind closed doors,
I mean, this isnt open to the public. And that then becomes
the basis on which representatives are going to their state legislatures
and debating issues."
Prison Unions Need Convicts
The reasons behind the growth of prisons are
many and varied, but two words sum it up best: politics and economics.
Politics in the sense that elected officials want to be reelected
and sounding (tough on crime( gets votes. Economics in the sense
of not only the money to be made by businesses, but also the number
of jobs created. Protecting those jobs is often done by strong
unions representing criminal justice workers.
California is a good example of this. The California
Correctional Peace Officer's Association (the union representing
prison guards) has become a potent political force in that state.
In 1990 they gave almost $1 million to Pete Wilson's successful
campaign for governor. The total contributions given in 1990 were
10 times that given by the California Teachers' Association. They
contributed $101,000 toward Proposition 184, which created the
"Three Strikes and You're Out" law.
This union has a vested interest in growing prison
populations. In 1980 California had only 22,500 prisoners, while
the average salary of a prison guard was $14,400, and the budget
for the California Department of Corrections was $300 million.
By 1996 there were more than 140,000 prisoners, the average salary
of the guards stood at $44,000, 58 percent above the national
average, while the budget was $3 billion. (Prison jobs constituted
almost half of the growth in state jobs during this time.) The
union had only 5,600 members in 1980; currently they have around
28,000 members, collecting about $8 million in dues annually and
have a budget of around $17 million. Before he was ousted from
office, California Governor Gray Davis approved rather large salary
increases for correctional officers (no doubt a reward for the
generous contributions to his race for governor), which would
bring their starting salaries up to around $70,000 in five years,
twice the money paid to teachers.
The most recent example of the power of this
union is their stance toward a program that allows prisoners to
earn college credits at Ironwood State Prison in Blythe. This
program is one among many examples demonstrating that the more
education a prisoner receives while in prison, the lower the recidivism
rate. But apparently lowering recidivism rates is not on the agenda
of this union. In typical exaggerated conservative language, the
union complains that it is not right for taxpayers to fund college
courses for rapists, murderers and the like (they ignored the
fact that the vast majority of prisoners have not committed a
violent crime). A union memo complained about a similar program
at another prison, saying that it is wrong to provide education
to prisoners rather than offering tuition assistance (to people
in the community who pay taxes and may benefit from these services.(
A flyer sent to union members working at the Ironwood prison urged
them to boycott (all management functions( and urged them to (Just
Say No( to tax payer-funded college education for inmates, suggesting
that (lifers, some of who [sic] are rapist [sic], molesters and
murders [sic] receiving a free college education.( (Note the poor
grammar in this memo, which suggests that the person who wrote
it could use some college-level English courses offered at some
prisons.) College officials countered this charge, saying that
with this program they were able to expand some of the programs,
hire new faculty and increase opportunities for disadvantaged
students not in prison. Several studies show that such programs
are successful and a program in Arizona resulted in a recidivism
rate of only 10 percent, compared to about 60 percent nationally.
Recycling Prisoners: the "Perpetual Prisoner
Machine"
To guarantee a steady supply of (clients( requires
a lot of work. The criminal justice system seems to be in the
business of merely processing as many cases as possible and especially
to sort of (recycle( previous cases. This "recycling"
of prisoners is often done through the parole system. A recent
study by criminologists Stephen Richards, James Austin and Richard
Jones demonstrates that rather than assist released prisoners
in their adjustment to the outside world and help them (go straight,(
the parole system almost guarantees failure. Increasing proportions
of new commitments to prison are parole violators. Nationwide,
in 2001 more than one-third (36%) of new prison commitments were
parole violators, up from 29% in 1990. In California, however,
the percentages are even higher at 54%. However, one must wonder
if it is really a (failure( in the true sense of the word. It
is almost seems like those controlling the criminal justice system
view (success( as providing a steady stream of convicts. This
writer once heard the director of a state parole system say "We
train our parole agents to catch violators." A sign on the
wall of one parole agent in California summed up this system very
well. The sign read "Trail em, surveil em, nail em, jail
em."
Just to give you an idea of the impact of probation
and parole violations a recent survey by the Department of Justice
found that almost 40 percent of those sent to prison in 1997 (latest
figures available) were parole violators. At least half did not
commit a new crime, but instead were sent back on what are called
"technical violations and the most common reason was that
they positive for drugs. Drug testing, by the way, has become
a huge business. Lets explore this in more detail.
Peeing for Profit: the Drug Testing Industry
Consistent with what seems to be a national obsession
over drugs, more than 15 million Americans were tested for drugs
in1996, double what it was five years earlier. A report called
(Drug Monitoring and Abuse Testing Business(released in January,
1997 (produced by Business Communications Company, Norwalk, CT),
noted that revenues for drug testing businesses grew as much as
15 percent annually during the first half of the 1990s. In 1996,
the drug testing market took in around $628 million in revenues,
increasing to about $737 million in 2001.
It has been estimated that about 61% of all major
businesses test their employees, plus more than 500 school districts
test their students. An estimated 20-25 million Americans are
tested for drugs each year One method of drug testing is the (Drug
Alert( tester, of SherTest Corporation, which targets family members.
This device, the company claims, can be used to increase love
and care between parents and children by (breaking down the barriers
of denial between parent and child.( Another company, Barringer
Technologies, Inc., makes (particle detection devices( for the
police, claiming it has sold (thousands( of $35 (testing kits.(
Psychometrics Corporation introduced a new kit, selling for $75,
and the day after it hit the market, the value of the company(s
stock tripled!
A cursory examination through the Internet of
various companies in the drug testing business is quite revealing.
To begin with, drug testing is part of a much larger market. A
company that does market research (www.marketresearch.com) reports
that there is a "point-of-care (POC) diagnostic test market"
which is "expected to reach revenues over $900 million in
2008." A "fact sheet" from a company called Beckman
Coulter says that there is a $35 billion biomedical testing market.
This market includes research and development, clinical research
testing and patient care testing. Presumably, testing for illegal
drugs falls within the latter category (patient care testing),
which totals around $21 billion. According to a publication called
"Cannabis News" home drug testing has become a "cottage
industry" with ads all over the Internet that meet "the
needs of parents who fear that their teens are using drugs
and also of teens that are afraid of getting caught. Home drug
test kits, along with sometimes wacky methods of circumventing
them, are available online, and many sites sell both." Searching
the Internet, I found some interesting examples such as:
* Mrs. Test (www.mrstest.com) - features home
drug testing kits (e.g., "10 Panel Multi Drug Urine Test
Kit,""1 Step THC Marijuana Urine Drug Test Cassette,"
"Cocaine Cassette Drug Urine Test," plus about 30 more
similar kits);
* Drug Test Systems (www.drugtestsystems.com)
"The Professional Choice for affordable drug and alcohol
testing supplies" that includes the "Drug Check "No-Step
Drug Test Cups";
* Test Country (www.testcountry.com) the
"Home Test Kit Superstore"; such products as the "PDT-90
Confidential Hair Testing Kit";
* Meth Test Source (www.lowvoltsource.com/drugtest/meth)
"are you an employer who needs to conduct random or
comprehensive drug testing on a regular basis? Checkout our 10-packs
for great value on quantity purchases."
Thousands of parolees, most of whom have trouble
kicking their drug habit (due in large part to the dearth of treatment
available, both inside and outside of prison), often fail their
drug test (a test that has become an important part of the parole
and probation system and an important method of controlling them).
Those on parole are constantly being tested, so naturally some
companies have sought this unique market in order to make a buck.
A report entitled "Parolees Foil Drug Testing" notes
that many federal parolees who have drug problems have figured
out a way to use "fake penises and laboratory-cleansed urine"
in order to cheat on their urine tests. Some of these ex-cons
bought the kit from some California-based suppliers. The kits
often include a "prosthetic penis" connected to a "pouch
of battery-warmed reconstituted urine concentrate" have caused
much concern to prison officials and parole agents. Further investigation
revealed that one of the kits is called the "Whizzinator"
and is made by a company called Puck Technologies of Signal Hill,
California (in Southern California, near Long Beach). It sells
for $150. A testimonial on their web site boasted that a man passed
the tests "over 100 times." A Canadian company called
Clear Test distributes a product called "The Urinator."
Their web site claims that the product can be used "hundreds
of times" and that clients even "rent it out to their
friends." Another company, known as "Clear Choice of
New York" claims that "We are positive you will test
negative."
Drug testing has come under heavy criticism because
many of the tests are not very effective. A study by the American
Civil Liberties Union challenges the effectiveness of drug testing,
charging that it is a "pseudo-science." They note that
drug testing is not effective as a deterrent to drug use among
young people and that it is "expensive, taking away scarce
dollars from other, more effective programs that keep young people
out of trouble with drugs." They also note that drug use
"does not pose significant productivity or safety problems
in the work force." The ACLU cites a 1994 study by the National
Academy of Sciences which concluded that the data collected by
several studies "do not provide clear evidence of the deleterious
effects of drugs other than alcohol on safety and other job performance
indicators."
One important aspect of the recent surge in prison
construction needs to be considered, for it does not bode well
for the democratic process. I am referring here to the fact that
well over half of all prisons built during the past 10-15 years
are in rural, mostly white, and mostly Republican areas. The implications
of this trend will be discussed in Part III of this series.
Randall G. Shelden is Professor of Criminal Justice
at the University of Nevada-Las Vegas. He is the author and co-author
of several books on crime and criminal justice, including Controlling
the Dangerous Classes: a Critical Introduction to the History
of Criminal Justice, Criminal Justice in America: a Critical View,
Girls, Delinquency and Juvenile Justice and Youth Gangs in American
Society. His web site is: http://www.sheldensays.com.
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